This paper argues that the exclusivist and rigid patterns of worship, coupled with persistent neglect to engage and interpret the distinctive worldview of the indigenous Shona people, amongst other factors, significantly contribute to the numerical and possibly spiritual challenges—though the latter remains difficult to quantify—confronting 21st-century Church of Christ A Cappella congregations in the eight Shona-speaking administrative provinces of Zimbabwe. Although sub-Saharan Africa has become the epicenter of Christianity, the worship practices of this North American-founded fellowship require contextualization to resonate with Shona religiosity; otherwise, it will continue to struggle with congregational retention.

Introduction

The Church of Christ, a branch of the Stone-Campbell Movement, has existed in the Shona-speaking regions of Zimbabwe since 1914.1 However, despite its long presence, it faces growth challenges. The church was “transplanted” in toto from the Western world without adequate contextualization to align with the indigenous Shona worldview, moral framework, and cultural expressions. As the Church of Christ experiences decline in the West—the birthplace of its doctrinal and structural foundation, “the source of the river is drying”—the Shona-speaking church in Zimbabwe must critically examine its origins and disentangle itself from supposedly scriptural Western practices that may have been hindering its growth and sustainability.2 Therefore, this study offers a historical analysis of the origins and development of the Church of Christ, examining its current context while advocating for greater flexibility in worship practices. It proposes the incorporation of indigenous Shona-speaking communities’ emotional and cultural expressions alongside, or in dialogue with, Western liturgical models.3 Furthermore, the study argues for a critical unpacking and theological engagement with the worldview of the Shona people, recognizing its significance in shaping authentic Christian experience and worship within their cultural context. But how did the Church of Christ arrive in Zimbabwe?

Brief History of the Church of Christ A Cappella in the Shona-Speaking Parts of Zimbabwe

The Church of Christ work in Zimbabwe, then Southern Rhodesia, was founded in 1897 by John Sherriff, the self-supporting New Zealander stonemason-cum-missionary. While practicing his trade in Bulawayo, Sherriff establishes Forest Vale Mission (FVM) as a training institution for the indigenous Africans. He deploys some of his graduates to establish churches in different parts of southern Africa. George Khoza, originally from Eswatini (formerly Swaziland), was posted to Roodepoort, South Africa, to work amongst the indigenous people.4 Peter Masiya (d. 1924) championed the work in Livingstone, Zambia, in 1912. Masiya was joined by Jack Mukaro Mzirwa, from Zimbabwe, in planting the Senkobo Mission near Livingstone around 1914. The little mission closed its doors in 1915 due to inadequate funding at the height of the First World War.5

Mzirwa left Zambia for Guyu (Maryland), Macheke, Zimbabwe, where he established the Macheke Mission. The mission shifted in 1919 to Wuyuwuyu when the colonial government forcefully moved the indigenous people from their land, paving the way for the establishment of white-owned commercial farms. The relocation led Mzirwa and his colleagues—Mirimi Makunde, Penny Mupondi, and Jack Choto—to establish the Wuyuwuyu Mission in 1919 under Sherriff’s financial and moral support.

Sherriff, his mentor, made three visits to Wuyuwuyu before finally relocating from FVM in 1927, marking the “beginning” of Wuyuwuyu Mission. In 1930, the mission welcomed the Dewitt Garrett family, the first North American missionary to work with Sherriff. The latter left Wuyuwuyu in 1931 for Cape Town on health grounds, leaving the mission under the guidance of William and A’Delia Short, the first missionaries from the Churches of Christ to be commissioned to sub-Saharan Africa in 1923. Short had worked for several years in Zambia before coming to Zimbabwe in 1931, and subsequently lost his financial support due to the Great Depression (1929-33) while working at Wuyuwuyu. This loss led to the destruction and closure of Wuyuwuyu Mission in 1934; however, the church building remained intact under the use of the local congregation.6

As expected, Sherriff was not happy with the closure of Wuyuwuyu Mission. He wrote, “So far as I know, he [Short] will now be pulling to pieces the buildings I and my family struggled to erect and over which I ruined my health. What I thought was the crowning and closing work of my life would now appear to be the biggest blunder and mistake I have made during my thirty-seven years’ experience in Rhodesia.”7 Sherriff passed on in 1935 after the closure of WM in 1934; his remains are at FVM. The work resumed under the leadership of William Leslie Brown, who pioneered the establishment of the Nhowe Mission, which opened its doors in 1940.

However, the numerical growth of the Churches of Christ in Zimbabwe increased significantly following the arrival of young, dynamic North American missionaries after World War II. Before their arrival, the two major branches of the Stone-Campbell Movement (Churches of Christ A Cappella and the Church of Christ instrumental) in the Shona-speaking regions had maintained a form of unity despite theological and practical differences, particularly concerning the use of instrumental music in worship and the wearing of uniforms—issues that revealed more profound church divergences. The newly arrived missionaries from the Churches of Christ strongly advocated that the New Testament presents only one true church (cf. Matt. 16:16: Church of Christ) and that all other expressions of Christianity were considered erroneous.8 They asserted that their specific worship structure—consisting of five elements: prayer, singing, preaching, the Lord’s Supper, and giving— is quintessentially the only biblically authorized true form of worship, grounding their position in selective scriptural interpretation.9

Although North American Christians derived the five purported elements of worship through proof-texting from the Bible, they embedded them within North American cultural frameworks. Michael W. Casey and Douglas A. Foster have argued that “the Stone-Campbell Movement [is] American. American culture and values are at the center stage in the life of the tradition [and] the movement has not and will not escape the American soil in which it [is] planted.”10 North American instructors rigorously transmitted the format, style, and worship practices at Nhowe Bible School, the country’s sole Bible training institution. Upon graduation, these preachers went on to establish congregations that reflected the teachings they had received. A significant number of the preachers were financially supported by sponsoring congregations based in North America, whose leadership periodically visited the designated “mission points.”

Consequently, many Shona-speaking congregations came to closely mirror their North American Church of Christ counterparts in both ecclesiastical structure and modes of worship. This replication, however, has often resulted in the marginalization of Shona cultural authenticity that does not contradict biblical teachings. We cannot expect an indigenous African Shona Christian to worship in identical ways as a Caucasian North American Christian. Just as a maple syrup tree, which thrives in the sub-zero climates of North America, would struggle to survive in the savannah temperatures of Zimbabwe, so too do uncontextualized worship patterns risk “withering” when removed from their cultural and environmental roots; an argument cogently presented by Kosuke Koyama in his trailblazing book Water Buffalo Theology.11 As “colonized communities [Zimbabweans] were mere consumers or recipients of a faith and theology of the colonizers.”12 The critical missing link is contextualization—taking the “concrete local context seriously. It is rooted in a concrete particular situation”—taking the unique situation of the indigenous Shona seriously: their culture, religiosity, and worldview.13 To understand their religiosity, let me briefly explain the Shona-speaking people of Zimbabwe.

The Shona People: A Brief Analytical Overview of Their Origins and Worldview

While space does not permit an in-depth exploration of this indigenous group, this section aims to define and correct common misconceptions, if not myths, often perpetuated by those with a limited understanding of the Shona, an industrious and deeply religious Bantu-speaking people. We must understand the Shona people’s past to appreciate their present state. Like most indigenous sub-Saharan Africans, the Shona are monotheists who believe in one God/Mwari, often called Musikavanhu—the one who created human beings.14 Anthropologists have established that the Shona ancestors are related to people south of the Limpopo River. The Chope, Nguni, Sotho, Tsonga, and Venda are among them.15 These Bantus settled in southern Zimbabwe and traded in gold. They were known as Karanga before they were known as Shona; the word’s origin is uncertain.16 However, the term was applied to all Shona-speaking peoples after Britain had colonized the country in 1891. The Shona people’s most outstanding achievement was the construction of the Great Zimbabwe ruins (built between the 11th and 13th centuries), while Mutapa was their enduring chief who traded with the Portuguese in the Zambezi Valley. Mutapa’s chieftainship collapsed with the defeat of Chioko by the Portuguese in 1917.17

Meanwhile, before the eventual collapse of the Mutapa dynasty, some Bantus traveled southwest, gradually establishing the Changamire Mambo dynasty. Bourdillon argues that under the Changamires, “the cult of the high god Mwari, which later survived the collapse of the state and the Ndebele invasion, was established in the Matopo Hills.”18 For the Shona, Mwari possesses two distinct attributes that are significantly equivalent to those ascribed to the triune God in the Judeo-Christian tradition. First, Mwari, a personal name, is known by various names, including Nyadenga or Dedza (Lord of the sky), Musikavanhu (Maker/Creator of the people), Chikara (One inspiring awe), Dzivaguru (The great pool), Chirazamauva (The one who provides for good and bad), and Mutangakugara (One who existed at the beginning).19 Although Mwari has different names, he is the God of all human beings and created everything, including natural fruits and game that can be given to anybody, including strangers. Second, Mwari provides rain for everyone, whether good or evil.20

However, there is a major difference between Mwari and the triune God of the Judeo-Christian religion. Mwari is too remote and not very interested in the affairs of individuals, let alone their problems. Accordingly, these issues are handled by family representatives—the living dead, intricately connected with Shona’s religiosity and worldview.21

The Shona worldview, deeply rooted in the belief in Mwari, centers on the sanctity of life and thereby shapes its epistemological, ethical, and anthropological frameworks. Consequently, the Shona people regard both human and animal life as sacred gifts from the universal and life-sustaining God, Mwari.22 At this point, let me point out that although the Shona believe in one God/Mwari, they understand that this God works through ancestral spirits. Let me categorically point out, in agreement with Chimhanda, that “ancestors are not God/Mwari. [They] are understood to have supernatural powers (conferred by God through the ancestors they represent).”23 The belief in ancestors is not unique to the Shona, though I must be careful not to generalize. Nevertheless, Charles Nyamiti’s summary of the general elements of ancestral belief resonates with the Shona’s understanding of them. Hence, it is pertinent to quote in full. Ancestors:

1. Share a natural relationship with their earthly relatives, usually based on blood ties of parenthood or brotherhood;
2. Acquire supernatural or sacred status through death due to their nearness to God;
3. Function as mediators between God and humanity;
4. They are entitled to maintain regular sacred communication with earthly relatives, which explains their ambivalent character.
5. Are exemplars or models of good behavior.24

Hence, ancestors are pivotal to the Shona, who regard human life as “participated life, that is, it is social, sacred, and sacrosanct.”25 Consequently, the giving and taking of life is understood to be the sole prerogative of Mwari. The Shona deeply abhor murder since they believe the spirit of the victim—avenging spirit— will torment the murderer’s family until they pay the appropriate material compensation.26 In concluding this section about the Shona, let me quote Bourdillon’s description of the Shona society.27 “Shona society contains people of all types: dreamers and pragmatics, superstitious, traditionalists and cynics, conservatives and progressives, socially oriented people and individualists, good people and bad. There is a Shona proverb, ‘Murungu munhuwo’ – A white is also a person.”28 In light of the Shona’s understanding of Mwari, how do the worship practices of the Churches of Christ, imbued with North American cultural values, compare with traditional Shona religious expressions?

Worship in the Churches of Christ A Cappella in Mashonaland: A Contrast with Shona Worship

The Churches of Christ worship practice has its historical and theological roots in the Reformed tradition of worship, but later diverged, grounding its practices primarily in a restorationist interpretation of Scripture.29 Alexander Campbell laid down the enduring order of “simple worship” in his quest to restore the pure gospel and the true church.30 This order, with minor adaptations, was shipped in toto to the Shona-speaking people of Zimbabwe. Sunday church service commences with one or two congregational songs, followed by an opening prayer and an additional hymn that introduces the preacher. The sermon customarily concludes with an “altar call,” inviting responses such as baptism, repentance, restoration, or other forms of spiritual commitment. Thereafter, the Lord’s Supper is observed in a closed manner (only members of the Churches of Christ are allowed to feed from the table), followed by the collection of the day’s giving, and a final song marks the end of the main service. Bible classes are held either before or after the primary worship assembly. Churches follow this order of service with near-ritualistic consistency, typically involving the active participation of no more than seven men. At the same time, the rest of the congregation remains passive, mainly observers.31

The limited participation of men and the complete absence of women in worship services starkly contrast with the traditional Shona conception of religiosity, which emphasizes holistic and communal engagement in religious life. In indigenous Shona religious practice, all members of the community—men, women, boys, girls, and children—actively participate in religious rites and expressions, affirming a shared spiritual responsibility.32 Hence, Edwin Zulu’s argument, “There is no single participant while all others just watch.”33 Zulu’s observation resonates with the traditional worship of indigenous Shona, which, I argue, was a preparatory experience for the coming of the gospel. “African religious background is not a rotten heap of superstitions, taboos and magic: it has a great deal of value in it,” according to Mbiti.34

For example, the repertoire of Shona religiosity includes practices such as clapping, dancing, ululating, whistling, and kneeling, all of which involve communal participation in worshipping the Creator/Mwari. Regrettably, both Western missionaries and their proteges—the indigenous Shona church leaders—condemn these tenets fiercely in the Churches of Christ because of their absence in the New Testament.

Recently, an indigenous South African preacher argued, to the disdain of some, at the 2026 South African International Lectureship in Thohoyandou, Limpopo Province, South Africa, that the Churches of Christ do not permit dancing in worship. Ironically, on the same day, he joined the Malawian delegation in dancing, ululating, and hand-clapping at the podium while receiving the trophy for hosting the 2027 lectureship. This contradiction exposes a deeper tension between inherited missionary traditions and indigenous expressions of worship. Just as a fish depends on water for survival, indigenous Christians—in this case, the Shona people—express authentic worship through indigenous tenets: dancing, handclapping, and ululation. Churches of Christ should encourage these cultural expressions, thereby strengthening congregational participation and improving spiritual vitality. For that reason, I am arguing for what Henning Wrogemann calls the ennoblement model, whose proponents “trenchantly argue that mission and the cultural ennoblement of the recipient culture go hand in hand.”35 Failure to implement the ennoblement model leads to the withering of the transplanted church because it remains disconnected from the cultural soil that sustains living faith.

Let me emphasize that before the arrival of Western missionaries, God had already been actively preparing the indigenous Shona people of Zimbabwe through their worship of Mwari. The missionaries did not introduce or bring God to the Shona; instead, God—Mwari—was already present and at work among them. The missionaries brought the gospel message but struggled to meaningfully engage with or appropriate the valuable beliefs and ritual practices inherent in the Shona people’s traditional worship of Mwari. Therefore, I am suggesting the local contextualization of these practices and their appropriation in the Church, since scripture does not expressly condemn them. A critical analysis of the contemporary Church of Christ in the Shona-speaking provinces of Zimbabwe shows that it is a North American church transplanted into Shona soil. As such, it remains a foreign institution, struggling to take root and resonate with the local cultural and religious landscape.

Contemporary Situation of the Church of Christ in Shona-speaking Provinces of Zimbabwe

Although this study focuses primarily on the Churches of Christ in the seven Shona-speaking provinces of Zimbabwe, I will, at this point, incorporate and analyze relevant statistical data from all ten provinces as of January 2022. Notably, this period coincides with the national census conducted by the Government of Zimbabwe, providing a valuable point of reference. Therefore, the Churches of Christ’s statistical report will be compared with national demographic figures to provide a more comprehensive contextual analysis.

Church of Christ A Cappella Statistics in Zimbabwe as of January 202236

Province	Number of Congregations	Number of Full-Time Preachers	Membership (Congregants)	Province Population 2022	Percentage of the National Population affiliated with the Churches of Christ
Bulawayo	18	8	525	665,952	0.079%
Harare	25	15	1,425	2,427,231	0.059%
Manica Land	71	55	4,351	2,037,703	0.21%
Mashonaland central	12	1	436	1,384,891	0.031%
Mashonaland east	65	28	2,252	1,731,173	0.13%
Mashonaland west	22	15	1,373	1,893,584	0.073%
Masvingo	18	7	836	1,638,528	0.05%
Matabeleland north	34	21	866	827,645	0.10%
Matabeleland south	27	9	720	760,345	0.095%
Midlands	17	11	748	1,811,905	0.041%
Total	309	170	13,532	15,178,95737	0.089%

These statistics show that, as of January 2022, the Churches of Christ in Zimbabwe comprised 309 congregations with a combined membership of approximately 13,532 Christians. About 170 full-time preachers served the congregations. The fellowship’s membership constituted an estimated 0.09% of Zimbabwe’s population, as per the 2022 national statistics, reflecting the “true church’s” marginal demographic footprint, which raises pertinent questions. To what extent has the Churches of Christ, rooted in the Stone-Campbell (Restoration) Movement, advanced in its mission since its initial establishment in Bulawayo in 1897 and its subsequent outreach to the Shona-speaking regions in 1914? Again, I would argue the available data points to a critical need for the contextualization of worship, amongst other factors, because the “transplanted tree from North America” is struggling to survive in Zimbabwe—it is “withering.” Moreover, the Churches of Christ in North America are declining at an alarming state.38 Hence, sound hermeneutical principles teach us that our “God is a contextual God who delights in variety” and not uniformity.39

Suggestions Towards a Contextualized Theology

Therefore, the Churches of Christ can meaningfully appropriate certain emotionally enriching religious practices embedded in the pristine Mwari cult to deepen and vitalize their worship. First, the dedication of young boys and girls as future religious functionaries. In the Mwari cult, some families would commit their children to grow up within the sacred environment of the shrine, preparing them for religious service.40 This indigenous tradition echoes the words of Jesus: “The harvest is plentiful, but the labourers are few; therefore, ask the Lord of the harvest to send out labourers into his harvest” (Luke 10:2, NRSVA). It also finds a biblical parallel in Hannah’s dedication to Samuel: “For this child, I prayed; and the LORD has granted me the petition that I made to him. Therefore, I have lent him to the LORD; as long as he lives, he is given to the LORD” (1 Sam 1:27–28, NRSV). Eli, despite his challenges, mentored Samuel. Considering these resonances, indigenous Shona leaders within the Churches of Christ should intentionally cultivate and mentor the next generation of church leaders, drawing on both biblical and cultural resources to sustain the church’s future.41

Second, the intentional training and development of talent within the church—regardless of gender—merit serious attention. The Churches of Christ, in this regard, can draw valuable insights from the Shona traditional religion, where youth dedicated to the Mwari cult by their parents for specific ritual functions underwent rigorous preparation. These young individuals were systematically trained in music and dance, serving as the primary role in honoring Mwari during sacred ceremonies.

Third, posture during worship constitutes a significant aspect of Shona religious expression, particularly in their reverence for Mwari. Kneeling and handclapping are ontologically embedded visible Shona cultural gestures that express respect, authority, and power. These postures are not exclusive to religious contexts; they are also customary in familial and social relationships, for instance, when children engage with their parents or when a son- or daughter-in-law interacts with in-laws. In Shona culture, the failure to demonstrate appropriate physical gestures, however seemingly minor from an external culture’s perspective, can seriously compromise the perceived integrity of the relationship between authority figures and their subjects.

A practical illustration underscores this cultural dynamic. Following a visit to a Church of Christ worship service, an elderly Shona couple inquired of the preacher, “Do you never kneel or clap your hands before your God?” The preacher responded, “No, because posture is not central to worship; what matters is the state of one’s heart.” The couple, visibly disapproving, replied, “Your casual approach to God shows that your white missionary’s God lacks power and authority. Our Mwari is powerful—one does not approach him like a child. Your worship feels like a child’s play.”

This encounter highlights a profound theological and cultural disconnect. I assert that incorporating traditional Shona postures—many of which align with biblical practices such as kneeling and prostration—into Church of Christ worship could foster greater engagement among the Shona people and serve as a culturally meaningful bridge to the gospel of Jesus Christ.

Fourth, greater participation of all. Proverbs convey the inexpressible, deep, authentic attributes and traits of the Shona. For example, when listening to music without dancing, the Shona would say, “Ngoma yaperera pasi!” It means “you are wasting the drum.” Drums, rattles (hosho)—percussion instruments using the acceptable term in ethnomusicology—mbira, drums, handclapping, feet stomping, and ululating accompany Shona music. When our dear missionaries arrived with the gospel, music played a central part in both social circles and religious activities. Unfortunately, utilizing the grounded research of their day, missionaries did not accept some of these tenets during public worship.42 Most Christian denominations prohibited drumming and dancing, regarding them as heathen practices. However, these artistic expressions constitute a vital part of Indigenous African cultural and spiritual heritage.43 Adrian Hastings, a European missionary, writing in 1966, challenges this exclusion by arguing that dancing and drumming are “simply the way the African crowd expresses its common sentiments, and the total barring of it from the Church’s worship may merely prevent the new Christian from expressing himself in the only visible, sacramental way he can appreciate.”44

Fifth, the Shona people express their devotion through exuberant singing, embodying the biblical exhortation to “make a joyful noise to the Lord” (Psalm 98:4). However, such emotionally expressive worship is not always readily embraced by some of our brothers and sisters from North America. I recall an incident in which a North American brother attended an all-night service with earplugs. He said, “Sorry, my brother, I cannot withstand the noise.” What was “noise” to him was the finest expression of my devotion to the triune God. Interestingly, a similar atmosphere of intense spiritual fervour characterized the Cane Ridge Revival in Kentucky in 1801.45 These differences underscore the rich diversity in Christian worship. I argue this variety reflects the multifaceted beauty of God’s creation, and the Creator loves this diversity by encouraging symbiotic relationships between those abundantly blessed with earthly resources and those struggling.

Although Christianity continues to grow significantly in the Global South, the Global North still controls the majority of financial resources and, as a result, exerts considerable influence—often indirectly—over churches in the Global South. This dynamic is particularly evident within the Churches of Christ in the Shona-speaking regions of Zimbabwe. Key ministry initiatives—including the operation of the four Bible schools, a hospital, World Bible School programs, Gospel Chariot campaigns, the feeding and schooling of orphans (Zimbabwe Orphan Programme), and the drilling of water boreholes—are sustained mainly through the generous support of congregations and individuals in the United States. Moreover, in many cases, the financial livelihoods of most local preachers are also dependent on this external assistance. For that, the Shonas are grateful. However, paternalism—sometimes associated with material and institutional power—should not regulate the passionate worship expressions of the indigenous Shona people, since doing so represents an unacceptable and regressive phenomenon within Christian partnership.

Conclusion

In this paper, I argue that although sub-Saharan Africa is now the epicenter of Christianity, with 650 million followers, the Churches of Christ, in the eight administrative provinces of Zimbabwe, are struggling numerically, because, amongst other factors, they worship like their North American counterparts.46 Hence, there is a need for contextualization, which has its own challenges. If a transplanted tree struggles to survive, the farmer should adopt alternative nurturing methods; otherwise, there will be no harvest. The Church of Christ, as a transplanted North American Christian fellowship in Zimbabwe, appears to generate an abundance of ostensibly “beautiful and promising blossoms,” reflected in the numerous reported baptisms across Zimbabwe and the wider African continent. However, these blossoms rarely mature into “edible fruits,” suggesting a superficial growth that lacks sustained spiritual formation and contextual depth. The flowers wither without producing any fruit; many baptisms, but few remain in the church. Why? Among other reasons, I argue that the North American transplanted worship content, expression, style, and format, as experienced, does not adequately address the Shona’s religiosity. Therefore, the Shonas people must contextualize worship, since the current form is not the “gold standard of Christianity.”47 The phenomenon demands a comprehensive study because, since 1914, the Shonas are still eating “fruits” from their North American counterparts, although, of late, the quantity is lower because the original tree is also struggling to survive in the 21st-century’s rapidly changing cultural, religious, and social climate.48 But let me close with a caveat: we do not build congregations! It is Christ Jesus who is “building his church, and the gates of Hades will not prevail against it” (Matt 16:18b NRSV).

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1. 1 Church of Christ A Cappella is hereafter referred to as Church of Christ, while the indigenous Shona-speaking people of Zimbabwe are hereby referred to as the Shona.

2. 2 The Churches of Christ are in the decline see Stanley E Granberg, Empty Church: Why People Don’t Come & What to Do About It? (Stanley E. Granberg, 2022); Andrew Root, Churches and the Crisis of Decline: A Hopeful, Practical Ecclesiology for a Secular Age (Baker Academic, 2022); Jack R. Reese, At the Blue Hole: Elegy for a Church on the Edge (Eerdmans, 2021).

3. 3 Although my papers constructively criticize the North American mode of worship that was graciously handed down to the Shona by our dear missionaries, I highly respect these men and women who sacrificed their lives to bring the gospel to us, the Shona of Zimbabwe. Let me quote John Sentamu’s words, “My late parents always said to me whenever you meet a group of people who may be interested in hearing what you have to say, always tell them how grateful we are for the missionaries who risked their lives to bring the good news of God’s salvation to Uganda. It is because of that missionary endeavour that I am standing in front of you. A fruit of their risk-taking and love.” Philip Jenkins, The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity, Third (Oxford University Press, 2011), 75.

4. 4 Sam Shewmaker, A Great Light Dawning, Profiles of Christian Faith in Africa (Drumbeat, 2002), 114.

5. 5 Sherriff, “South Africa, Seventh Annual Report,” Christian Leader, 5 January 1915, 12–13.

6. 6 W. N. Short, ‘Brother Short Moves’, Gospel Advocate, 23 February 1934, 1131.

7. 7 He continues: “Huyuyu Mission had just reached the stage when it was bearing spiritual fruit, and the bulk of building and temporal work was completed, and the workers could give more time and attention to spiritual work, in comfortable surroundings, which the writer was unable to do. The first half of year of 1934 fifty converts had been baptized. Brethren, when I think of those buildings being pulled to pieces and one of the denominations taking over, it hurts. My pioneering is now finished. I cannot open up any more missions on the veldt of Africa. I sincerely regret my last effort has been such a failure and financial loss to the brotherhood and myself. I have written all our coworkers on the fields here concerning the loss of Huyuyu Mission and received kind and sympathetic replies; but their hands are all so full of their own troubles they could render no assistance. John Sherriff, ‘A Foreign Mission Closed’, Gospel Advocate, 6 December 1934, 117.

8. 8 Leroy Brownlow, Why I Am a Member of the Church of Christ (Brownlow Corporation, 1945).

9. 9 Paul M. Blowers and Bruce E Shields, ‘Worship: Nineteenth Century’, in The Encyclopedia of the Stone-Campbell Movement, ed. Douglas A. Foster et al. (Eerdmans, 2004), 787. Alexander Campbell, ‘A Restoration of the Ancient Order of Things No. V. Order of Worship’, in The Christian Baptist, ed. Alexander Campbell (American Christian Publication Society, 1854), 165.

10. 10 Casey and Foster, ‘The Renaissance of Stone-Campbell Studies’, 1–65. It is appropriate to mention that the Campbells also brought much from the Reformed Presbyterian church in Scotland and Ireland, including acapella music. James L Gorman, Among the Early Evangelicals: Transatlantic Origins of the Stone-Campbell Movement (Abilene:ACU Press, 2017).

11. 11 Kosuke Koyama, Water Buffalo Theology 1999, 25th Anniversary (Orbis, 1999). Contextualization was championed and advanced by Shoki Coe (also known as C. H. Hwang) Shoki Coe, ‘Contextualization as the Way Towards Reform,’ in Asian Christian Theology: Emerging Themes, ed. D. J. Ellwood (Westminster, 1980).

12. 12 M. P. Joseph, ‘Introduction: Context, Discernment, and Contextualization: Theology of Shoki Coe, the Prophet from the Fourth World,’ in Wrestling with God in Context: Revisiting the Theology and Social Vision of Shoki Coe, ed. Po Ho Huang and Victor Hsu (Fortress, 2018), 3.

13. 13 Po Ho Huang et al., ‘Revisiting the Methodology of Contextual Theology in the Era of Globalization’, in Wrestling with God in Context: Revisiting the Theology and Social Vision of Shoki Coe (Fortress, 2018), 22.

14. 14 See Francisca Chimhanda, ‘The Liberation Potential of the Shona Culture and the Gospel: A Post-Feminist Perspective’, Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 40 (September 2014): 305–28. This article gives an informed position of the Shona’s understanding of God/Mwari.

15. 15 M. F. C. Bourdillon, The Shona Peoples: An Ethnography of the Contemporary Shona, with Special Reference to Their Religion, 3rd Revised Edition (Mambo, 1987), 7.

16. 16 Bourdillon, Shona Peoples, 7.

17. 17 Bourdillon, Shona Peoples, 11.

18. 18 Bourdillon, Shona Peoples, 12. Marthinus L. Daneel, The God of the Matopo Hills: An Essay on the Mwari Cult in Rhodesia (Mouton & Co., the Netherlands, 1970), https://open.bu.edu/handle/2144/8949.

19. 19 Bourdillon, Shona Peoples, 277.

20. 20 Marthinus L. Daneel, Old and New in the Southern Shona Independent Churches: Leadership and Fission Dynamics (Mambo, 1988), 3:211; 322.

21. 21 Bourdillon, Shona Peoples, 225–27.

22. 22 Chimhanda, ‘The Liberation Potential of the Shona Culture and the Gospel’, 313.

23. 23 Chimhanda, 317.

24. 24 Charles Nyamiti, Christ as Our Ancestor: Christology from an African Perspective (Mambo, 1984), 15–16.

25. 25 Chimhanda, 317.

26. 26 Bourdillon, Shona Peoples, 233–34.

27. 27 Although I am Shona, but my understanding of the Shona people is influenced by the works of Michael Gelfand, The Genuine Shona: Survival Values of an African Culture (Mambo, 1987); Marthinus L. Daneel, The God of the Matopo Hills: An Essay on the Mwari Cult in Rhodesia (Mouton, 1970), https://open.bu.edu/handle/2144/8949; Bourdillon, Shona Peoples. In this section I am relaying on Bourdillon’s work.

28. 28 Bourdillon, Shona Peoples, xviii.

29. 29 Blowers and Shields, ‘Worship: Nineteenth Century’, 786.

30. 30 Douglas A. Foster, A Life of Alexander Campbell, Library of Religious Biography (Eerdmans, 2020), 35.

31. 31 Everett Ferguson presents a comprehensive ecclesiology for the Church of Christ, advocating for the limited participation of women in public worship. He bases his argument on the traditional interpretation of 1 Corinthians 14:34–35 and 1 Timothy 2:11–12. Everett Ferguson, The Church of Christ: A Biblical Ecclesiology for Today. (Eerdmans, 1996). In contrast, Carroll D. Osburn critiques the exclusion of women from public worship, challenging the traditional interpretation of these passages. Carroll D. Osburn, Women in the Church: Reclaiming the Ideal (A. C. U. Press, 2001).

32. 32 See Chimhanda, ‘The Liberation Potential of the Shona Culture and the Gospel’, 315. She advocates for the full participation of women in church services, drawing on the precedent of their active involvement in the worship of Mwari within traditional religious practices.

33. 33 Edwin Zulu, “Government Proposals on Regulations of Religious Institutions: Which Way to God for the African Churches?” In Addressing Contextual Misleading Theologies in Africa Today: What Do You Mean?, ed. Bosela E. Eale and Njoroge J. Ngige (Regnum Books International, 2020), 134.

34. 34 John Mbiti, ‘Christianity and Traditional Religions in Africa’, International Review of Mission 59, no. 236 (1970): 432.

35. 35 Henning Wrogemann, Intercultural Hermeneutics: Intercultural Theology, vol. 1, trans. Karle E. Böhmer (InterVarsity, 2016), 265.

36. 36 The following Churches of Christ preachers (listed alphabetically) compiled provincial statistics in 2021: Brighton Mucherera, Charles Jokonya, Damson Siwedi, George Muhura, Ishmael Mutichu, Lovemore Manyanhaire, Nkosilathi Mpofu, Tendai Jana, and Tawanda Mukondwa. Although the data was collected during the COVID-19 pandemic, it was accepted as accurate by the broader body of preachers in Zimbabwe.

37. 37 https://zimstat.co.zw/ accessed May 10, 2025, at 11:15.

38. 38 Tim Woodroof and Stanley E. Granberg, ‘Tim Woodroof & Stan Granberg Churches of Christ in 2050’, July 2019, https://interimministrypartners.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/Churches-of-Christ-in-2050-rev-10.pdf.; The following articles by distinguished journalists and scholars from the Churches Christ paint a gloomy picture of the past and even the future is bleak. Consequently, Stanley E. Granberg argues, “Over the last twenty-five years, the Churches of Christ [in the USA] shifted from a growing to a declining fellowship.” Stanley E. Granberg, ‘A Case Study of Growth and Decline: The Churcrateratehesraterate of Christ, 2006-2016’, Great Commission Research Journal 10, no. 1 (2018): 111, AtlaSerials PLUS, Religion Collection; Bobby Ross, Jr., ‘Churches of Christ in Decline: U.S. Culture to Blame? Changing Society Poses a Challenge for Christians’, Christian Chronicle, April 2015, https://christianchronicle.org/church-in-decline-u-s-culture-to-blame/; Tim Woodroof, ‘A Demographic Study of Fifty Congregations of the Churches of Christ’, July 2019, https://interimministrypartners.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/A-Demographic-Study-of-Fifty-Congregations-of-the-Churches-of-Christ.pdf; Tim Woodroof and Stanley E. Granberg, ‘Churches of Christ: Losing Our Hope Seeking a Future—New Study Reveals Drastic Decline’, April 2019, https://interimministrypartners.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Losing-our-Hope-Finding-Our-future.pdf.

39. 39 Augustine Chingwala Musopole, ‘Shoki Coe and Contextualization in African Christian Theology’, in Wrestling with God in Context: Revisiting the Theology and Social Vision of Shoki Coe, ed. M. P. Joseph and Victor Hsu (Fortress, 2018), 254.

40. 40 Bourdillon, Shona Peoples, 281.

41. 41 Ayandokun has argued for the deliberate grooming of leaders aiming at raising men and women of integrity. Esther O. Ayandokun, ‘Theological Education and Leadership: A Response to Leadership Challenges in Africa’, In Sights 6, no. 2 (2021): 61–71.

42. 42 But Adrian Hastings argued that it is “a first missionary principle to begin with beliefs of the people you approach as Paul did at Athens.” Adrian Hastings, ‘Christianity and African Cultures’, New Blackfriars 48, no. 559 (1966): 134–35, JSTOR. See also Sepota’s argumentfervorfervor in M. M. Sepota, ‘The Destruction of African Culture by Christianity’, South African Journal of Folklore Studies 9, no. 2 (1998): 23–27.

43. 43 See Jacob K. Olupona, African Religions: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2014) especially pages 89–104.

44. 44 Hastings, ‘Christianity and African Cultures’, 134. Let me be clear I am not arguing for the type of dancing described by Katrien Payne where Christians end up in a trance. Katrien Pype, ‘Dancing for God or the Devil: Pentecostal Discourse on Popular Dance in Kinshasa’, Journal of Religion in Africa 36, nos. 3–4 (2006): 296–318, AtlaSerials PLUS, Religion Collection (ATLA0001613673).

45. 45 D. Newell Williams, ‘Cane Ridge Revival’, in The Encyclopedia of the Stone-Campbell Movement, ed. Douglas A. Foster et al. (Eerdmans, 2004), 164–66.

46. 46 Todd M. Johnson et al., ‘Christianity 2018: More African Christians and Counting Martyrs’, International Bulletin of Mission Research 42 (2017): 1–12.

47. 47 Granberg, Empty Church: Why People Don’t Come & What to Do About It?, 69.

48. 48 Reese, At the Blue Hole: Elegy for a Church on the Edge; Root, Churches and the Crisis of Decline: A Hopeful, Practical Ecclesiology for a Secular Age; Granberg, Empty Church: Why People Don’t Come & What to Do About It? These three books further develop Philip Jenkins’s thesis on the decline of Christianity in the Global North. Philip Jenkins, The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity, Third (Oxford University Press, 2011).